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00:00우리는 어쩌다가 여기까지 왔을까요?
00:30로버트 퍼트넘은 분열된 사회 속에서 통합의 해법을 모색하는 정치 사회 분야의 권위자입니다.
00:46그의 기억 속 참 좋았던 시절.
00:50그리고 지금은 뭐가 달라진 걸까요?
00:54무너져가는 세상에 갈 길 잃은 이들을 위해 그가 나섰습니다.
01:08전 세계에 흩어져 있는 위대한 생각들을 모았습니다.
01:16어떤 생각은 우리를 저 먼 곳으로 때려갑니다.
01:24전 세계에 포함되어 있습니다.
01:42안녕하세요, EBS뷰어스!
01:45위대한 수업, Great Minds.
01:48My name is Bob Putnam,
01:50and I'd like to welcome you to my home on Frost Pond
01:53in Jaffray, New Hampshire, on this bright spring morning.
02:07I want to spend some time with you this morning
02:10telling you about the history of an idea,
02:13the idea of social capital.
02:17Study of social capital is among the most rapidly growing fields
02:21in all of social science in the last 30 years.
02:26This graph shows, very quickly,
02:29over the last 30 years,
02:31the growth of attention to the idea of social capital,
02:35both in scholarly journals, that's the upper red line,
02:39and in ordinary newspapers and magazines,
02:43the public media.
02:45And you can see that, beginning about 1995,
02:49there's been an explosion of interest
02:51in the idea of social capital,
02:53and that's what I want to tell you now about,
02:55which is something about the history of this idea.
02:58My story begins in Italy, 50 years ago,
03:14when I was a young man,
03:17and it ends in our contemporary American crisis,
03:20when I'm obviously much older.
03:21A study of regional government in Italy
03:25that found differences in democracy
03:27might be explained by social capital.
03:31The conduct of the study, Italian regional study,
03:35can best be thought of through a botanical metaphor.
03:38If you're a botanist,
03:40and you want to study plant growth,
03:44you might take genetically identical seeds
03:47and plant them in different pots of soil
03:51and water them differently,
03:54and watch how the growth of the seed or the plant
03:59depended on the different soils.
04:01In 1970, the Italian government
04:05created across Italy
04:07a whole set of 20 new regional governments.
04:17And they performed...
04:20And those new regional governments
04:23formed the basis
04:25for an experimental study of democracy
04:27because those seeds,
04:30that is, the 20 regional governments,
04:32were all genetically identical.
04:34They all looked the same.
04:35On paper, they looked the same.
04:36They had the same amount of money,
04:38and they had the same amount of powers.
04:43But the soils into which
04:45those regional governments were implanted
04:47were very different.
04:49Some of these Italian regions
04:50were as developed as any place on Earth.
04:53Some were very backward.
04:55Some were deeply Catholic.
04:58Some others next door to that
05:00were deeply communist.
05:01It was an ideal setting
05:03for studying how the environment
05:06of a political institution,
05:09a democracy,
05:11influences the growth and performance
05:14of that democracy.
05:17Now, the first task, of course,
05:19was to measure
05:21the way these regional plants
05:25developed.
05:26That is, to measure
05:27their institutional performance,
05:30the degree to which
05:31they were effective
05:32democratic governments or not.
05:35And we measured those,
05:36the institutional performance,
05:38in many different ways.
05:39We had many different measures.
05:40For example,
05:41we measured the stability
05:43of the cabinet
05:44in each regional government.
05:47All the regional governments
05:48said they wanted to build
05:49daycare centers,
05:50but some of them
05:51didn't build any daycare centers
05:54at all over five years,
05:56whereas others built,
05:57as they had planned,
05:58lots of daycare centers.
06:00We engaged in a certain kind
06:02of deceptive test
06:06of the responsiveness
06:07of the bureaucracy
06:08in each of these regions.
06:11Each of the regions
06:12was, for example,
06:13responsible for vocational education.
06:17And we wrote a postcard,
06:20identical postcard,
06:22to the Ministry of Education
06:24in each of these 20 regions.
06:27And we said,
06:28Hi, I'm Giuseppe Bianco.
06:30My brother-in-law
06:31wants to learn
06:33how to start
06:34a bicycle repair factory,
06:36and we understand
06:37he can get a scholarship
06:39from you.
06:40Please send us the information.
06:41And then we waited
06:42to see how long
06:43did it take
06:45for that postcard
06:46to be answered.
06:48If it was answered at all,
06:50and often it was not
06:50answered at all.
06:51And then we waited
06:52and counted
06:53to how many different people
06:55was that telephone call
06:56passed,
06:57and if it was passed.
07:01So you can see
07:01in this and many other ways
07:03we measured
07:04very meticulously
07:05how well
07:07these 20 different
07:09regional governments
07:10performed.
07:10And finally,
07:11we asked their citizens,
07:12well, how pleased are you
07:15with this new
07:15regional government here?
07:16And it turned out
07:17that all of these measures
07:18of institutional performance
07:20were consistent.
07:22That is,
07:25the places
07:26where they had
07:26stable cabinets
07:27were also the places
07:28they were able to build
07:29lots of daycare centers.
07:30They were also the places
07:31where Giuseppe Bianco's
07:32brother-in-law
07:33could get his form
07:35for mechanics school.
07:37And those were
07:38the same places
07:38where the voters,
07:40the people to whom
07:42these governments
07:42were responsive
07:43or were most satisfied.
07:47But some of the regional governments
07:48were utter failures.
07:51They were corrupt
07:52inefficient.
07:53They never answered
07:53the mail.
07:54And their citizens
07:55were completely disgusted
07:57with their performance.
08:01So now the question is,
08:03what explained
08:04those differences?
08:06And we had a variety
08:08of different ideas,
08:09hypotheses about
08:10so maybe more educated regions
08:13were able to sustain
08:14better government.
08:16We thought maybe
08:18political parties
08:19might make a difference.
08:20And we had another
08:21hypothesis that actually
08:22I was certain
08:23must be true
08:24is economic modernity.
08:28Regions that were wealthier
08:30and had more modern economies,
08:32I thought,
08:34maybe they could
08:35be more efficient democracies.
08:37We tested all of those hypotheses
08:39and none of them explained.
08:42Some of the regions
08:45had high education
08:46and high performance
08:47and other regions
08:48had high education
08:49and low performance.
08:50So education
08:51didn't explain it.
08:52Party politics
08:52didn't explain it.
08:54Religion
08:54didn't explain it.
08:56Economic modernity
08:57and wealth
08:58had a little bit
08:59of an effect,
09:00but it was not at all
09:02the best predictor.
09:04We were shocked
09:05when it turned out
09:06that the best explanation
09:08for these differences
09:09in performance
09:10of these regional governments
09:11were choral societies,
09:14singing societies
09:15and football groups.
09:20If there were
09:20a lot of choral societies
09:22and a lot of football clubs
09:23and people in the region
09:25trusted one another,
09:26the performance
09:27of the regional government,
09:28the democracy,
09:29was extremely great.
09:33But if they didn't have
09:35civic community groups
09:36and people didn't trust
09:38one another,
09:38that was certain
09:40to be one of the regions
09:41which was a failure.
09:47And so we had discovered,
09:49quite amazingly,
09:50that there was
09:51one single ingredient
09:54in the soil,
09:55one magic ingredient,
09:57you might say,
09:57one mineral in the soil
09:59that explained democracy,
10:02explained whether democracy
10:03was going to be successful
10:04or falter.
10:08As I was writing
10:19the final version
10:20of the book
10:21Making Democracy Work,
10:22I was on leave
10:24and living in a college
10:27at Oxford,
10:28Nuffield College,
10:30and I was having
10:32a very tough time
10:34to finish the book
10:35because I couldn't
10:36really understand
10:37what this magic ingredient
10:39in the soil was.
10:41And so there I was
10:42in the library
10:44of Nuffield College
10:45in the middle of the night
10:47looking for a boring book
10:49that could put me to sleep.
10:52And I came across
10:53a book by James Coleman
10:56called Modern Social Theory.
11:00And I thought,
11:00boy, that sounds really
11:02like exactly the book
11:03to put me to sleep.
11:04But then I turned
11:09as I flipped through
11:09the pages of this book
11:10and it came to a chapter
11:12called Social Capital.
11:16I'd never heard
11:17the term before,
11:18but I began to read
11:19and I quickly realized
11:21that this idea
11:26of social capital
11:27captured the essence
11:29of what I'd been trying
11:30to understand
11:31about the performance
11:33of regional governments
11:34in Italy.
11:38There were a couple
11:39of regions
11:40in the north-central part
11:41of Italy
11:42that were high performance
11:43and those were
11:44the very same regions
11:45you can see in the graph
11:46here that were
11:47high on social capital,
11:49high in the sense
11:50of connectedness
11:51and the social networks.
11:56Enabled people
11:57to cooperate
11:58for the betterment
11:59of the community.
12:02And the same
12:03low regions
12:05down at the bottom
12:06in Calabria
12:08and Sicily
12:09and Catania
12:11were the regions
12:13that were the lowest
12:14performing
12:15in democratic terms
12:17were also the lowest
12:19in social capital.
12:22That's the sense
12:23in which
12:23I had discovered
12:25essentially
12:27the magic mineral
12:28in the soil
12:29that enabled
12:30democracy
12:31to function.
12:33I want to pause
12:34now
12:34to talk
12:36just briefly
12:37about the concept
12:38of social capital.
12:38What does social capital
12:39mean after all?
12:41The definition
12:43of social capital
12:44is
12:45social networks,
12:46connections among people
12:48and trust among people
12:50and the idea
12:52of reciprocity
12:53which is built
12:53on that trust
12:55and those social networks.
12:56Reciprocity
12:57just means
12:57I'll do this
12:59for you
12:59now
13:00without expecting
13:01something back
13:02from you
13:02because down the road
13:03you'll do something
13:04for me.
13:05That's the key
13:07concept of social capital.
13:09That's the concept
13:10of social capital.
13:11But why is social capital
13:12important?
13:13It's important
13:14empirically
13:14in our lives
13:16because it turns out
13:17that many
13:18there are many
13:19important consequences
13:21of whether a community
13:23has high social capital
13:25or low social capital.
13:27Communities that have
13:28high social capital
13:29always have
13:31kids better
13:32the children's welfare
13:33is much better
13:34in high social capital
13:36communities.
13:37If you happen
13:38to live in a community
13:39with
13:39high social capital
13:42you don't have to
13:42lock your door
13:43as much
13:43because that
13:44social capital
13:45is like a
13:47magic barrier
13:49that inhibits crime
13:50in a neighborhood.
13:52More social capital
13:53in a community
13:54means more effective
13:56less corrupt government.
13:57It means better
13:58physical health
13:59and mental health.
14:01Indeed
14:01one of the most
14:02striking consequences
14:03of social capital
14:05is
14:05your life expectancy
14:07your chances
14:09of dying
14:10over the next year
14:11are cut in half
14:13by joining one group
14:15cut in three quarters
14:17by joining two groups
14:18connections
14:19social
14:20human connections
14:21help
14:23our
14:23mental health
14:24they
14:25ward off
14:26depression
14:27and they help
14:28our physical health
14:29and it means
14:31less loneliness
14:32but finally
14:33and I think
14:35in some respects
14:35summing this all up
14:37social capital
14:39produces
14:40higher
14:41greater life
14:43satisfaction
14:43happiness
14:44is more common
14:47people
14:48are happier
14:49if they have
14:50a lot of connections
14:51and they're happier
14:52if they live in a community
14:53in which there are
14:53lots of connections
14:55so social capital
14:56is an extremely
14:57important
14:58feature
15:00of a society
15:01there are many
15:03different kinds
15:03of social capital
15:04one distinction
15:06that I want to make
15:06here
15:07is between
15:08what in jargon
15:09we call
15:10bonding social capital
15:12bonding social capital
15:14means links to people
15:15who are just like you
15:16and
15:17bridging social capital
15:19which means links to people
15:20who are not like you
15:21so
15:22my ties
15:24to other
15:25white
15:27male
15:28elderly
15:29Jewish
15:30professors
15:31those are people
15:32just like me
15:33and that's my bonding
15:34social capital
15:34and my ties
15:36to people
15:36of a different
15:37generation
15:37or a different
15:38gender
15:39or a different
15:40race
15:40or a different
15:41religion
15:41that's my
15:43bridging social capital
15:44I'm not saying
15:45bridging good
15:47bonding bad
15:48but for a modern
15:49diverse democracy
15:50bridging social capital
15:52is essential
15:53connections
15:55among people
15:56who are not
15:56like one another
15:57is an essential feature
15:59of modern democracy
16:00to make modern democracy work
16:02but bridging social capital
16:04is harder to build
16:06than bonding social capital
16:08and we'll pay a lot of attention
16:09to that
16:10feature of social capital
16:11as we move forward
16:27as we move forward
16:31as we move forward
16:32and have a lot of thinking
16:33and all that
16:35will be the same
16:35as we move forward
16:36as we move forward
16:37to that
16:38basis

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