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Article 63 Ae Se Mutaliq Hukoomat Kya Chahti Hai?? Bilal Kayani Ka Ahem Bayan
ARY NEWS
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9/24/2024
Article 63 Ae Se Mutaliq Hukoomat Kya Chahti Hai?? Bilal Kayani Ka Ahem Bayan
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00:00
Two questions related to this. Firstly, your position on 63A is that it should be reviewed.
00:06
What exactly do you want? Should the vote not be counted? Should it not be annulled? What is a fair punishment?
00:12
Look, before we get into the discussion of what should be done, we have to see what it is.
00:18
According to me, the 63A judgment of the Supreme Court is a classic case of rewriting the Constitution.
00:23
The 63A judgment of the Constitution is very clear. It also clearly defines the violation.
00:29
If a person votes in these matters against party lines, then as a result of his violation,
00:37
there will be a defection and as a result he will be de-seated.
00:40
The violation is also clearly defined and his punishment is also clearly defined.
00:44
And the framers of the Constitution, the parliamentarians, passed this with two thirds majority.
00:48
What did the Supreme Court do? They added an additional penalty that your vote will not be counted.
00:53
Although, there was no defect in this judgment. This is not an interpretation, this is an addition.
00:58
It is almost like adding a penalty.
00:59
This is like tightening the water so that no one thinks that we will be unhelpful.
01:03
No, no. Mr. Maria, I am requesting.
01:05
You are making it difficult.
01:06
No, no, I am requesting. Look, if there is an addition in such a penalty, then only the parliamentarians can do it.
01:12
The Supreme Court has no right to add a penalty. They can interpret the Constitution when there is a defect.
01:18
There was no need for interpretation here.
01:21
There can be a debate on this.
01:22
And in the future, whenever two thirds of the National Assembly and two thirds of the Senate agree on this,
01:26
then you can add to it or subtract from it.
01:28
In my opinion, this decision was wrong and it would be better if it was corrected by the Supreme Court itself.
01:33
This review petition has been pending for a long time.
01:36
If it corrects it rightfully, then it will comply with the will of the parliament.
01:41
So, what is the principle position of the Parliament?
01:43
Should the vote not be counted?
01:44
What is the ideal situation?
01:48
Now, the vote should be counted.
01:51
Framers of the Constitution were very clear that you can vote.
01:55
But if you vote, then you can be de-seated.
01:57
This right was given to the voter.
01:59
And his punishment was also clearly defined.
02:01
It should be complied with.
02:04
So, Mr. Umair, what you are saying is that it is written in the Constitution that the vote should be counted, but it should be nullified.
02:10
What problem do you see in this?
02:12
Secondly, is this not a prerogative of the Parliament?
02:16
Can this matter be left to the interpretation of the court?
02:22
These are two different things.
02:24
Who has to interpret the Constitution?
02:26
You cannot interpret it.
02:28
What do we take guidance from?
02:30
We take guidance from the judgment of the Supreme Court.
02:32
If the judgment is overruled, a different law will be settled.
02:35
A different interpretation will come.
02:37
Today, we have to follow the judgment in the field.
02:41
The second thing you are talking about is legislative competence.
02:44
Legislative competence is with the Parliament.
02:48
But where does the Parliament draw it from?
02:50
It draws legislative competence from the people.
02:53
Look at their election speeches.
02:56
The People's Party and the Noon League have voted that we will come and amend Article 63.
03:02
This is a very big injustice.
03:04
As long as you do not have a mandate of the people, the primary mandate of the people, you exercise it.
03:10
It is not that every assembly comes and changes the constitution.
03:15
This is not the case.
03:16
For this, you need a proper mandate.
03:18
And this assembly does not have it at all.
03:20
One is because of these reasons that it is not in the election manifesto.
03:23
Secondly, their status is disputed.
03:26
More than 85 election petitions are pending.
03:29
Until their fate is decided, 180 days have passed.
03:32
The election act gives a timeline.
03:35
That is over.
03:36
The status is disputed.
03:38
Not only the Parliament, but all the institutions, everyone is saying that the status is disputed.
03:43
In that, you cannot make such a constitutional amendment.
03:48
Mr. Umair talked about practice and procedure.
03:51
This is right.
03:52
Because if you talk to any legislator,
03:56
and especially if you talk about not implementing the judgment,
03:59
they say that the judgment will have to be implemented.
04:01
You are not doing the right gauge.
04:03
Have you made any wrong estimates?
04:06
Have you kept a watchful eye on the reaction of the Bukla bodies and the judge?
04:10
Look, let's take the example of 63A.
04:13
A judgment has come which we think is wrong.
04:15
We hope that the court will correct it.
04:17
If it does not correct it, then the Parliament has full authority
04:20
to bring it in the shape and form that 63A wanted.
04:24
These are the tools that are available.
04:26
In my view, this is a classic case of rewriting the constitution.
04:30
Why didn't you do it before?
04:31
Before the election, when you had an assembly,
04:33
you had a decent presence there.
04:36
No, two-thirds.
04:37
But the PDI was not in Vivaan.
04:39
You didn't have to convince Moulana.
04:40
Everyone was on board.
04:41
The experience of PDM 1 was on the same page.
04:44
Two-thirds of the house was not available.
04:45
Not even now.
04:46
This is the problem.
04:47
Hence, we are trying to build consensus.
04:48
Even today, I say that the time should not come
04:50
for the Supreme Court to correct this rewriting.
04:52
As far as the practice and procedure is concerned,
04:54
as far as the ordinance is concerned,
04:56
I am happy that those people who said two years ago
04:59
that the practice and procedure should be in order
05:02
and this is an attack on the independence of judiciary.
05:04
Today, they accept that this is a democratization of the Supreme Court.
05:07
And instead of one person, three judges should have the power.
05:10
PTI included.
05:11
Those who are making noise about this thing today
05:13
that why has this ordinance come?
05:14
There is such a good setup that is going on.
05:16
I am happy that they have accepted this.
05:19
Even today, the power will not be given to one person.
05:21
Only three judges have the power.
05:22
But a flexibility has been put in it.
05:24
In which, look,
05:25
your third judge has such a flexibility.
05:28
That in order for the continuity of the court,
05:31
that committee should remain active.
05:33
Even if a judge is not present or is not available,
05:35
his quorum remains present.
05:37
No, no, if you bound it with the seniority principle,
05:39
I would have agreed with you.
05:41
Now, you have given the statement of that third judge
05:43
to any Chief Justice,
05:44
I do not want to talk about a person-specific matter,
05:46
you have given it to him.
05:47
This means that he has the power that an additional vote has come.
05:50
It has happened now.
05:51
Mansoor Ali Shah will not sit in the committee.
05:53
Look, Mansoor Ali Shah can also not pick and choose the laws he likes
05:57
and wants to implement and does not want to implement.
05:59
This is not a good precedent to set by a sitting senior Supreme Court judge.
06:02
Your problem that you are saying that this has not happened,
06:04
this problem is not solved.
06:06
If you put it on the responsibility of the Chief Justice
06:09
that the third judge should not be chosen,
06:11
then you give more strength to that office.
06:13
No, look, it will still be a Supreme Court judge.
06:15
Now, look, the thing is that this is still an ordinance.
06:20
And naturally, now when it comes in the form of a bill,
06:22
then a permanent law will be made only when it will be passed by both the houses.
06:25
And in this ordinance, in addition to this one thing,
06:28
in my opinion, when the practice and procedure bill came first,
06:31
then the power was divided into three by the individual,
06:33
and this flexibility came in it.
06:35
Laws evolve and change like this according to the situation of the hour.
06:38
Political needs.
06:39
No, no, no.
06:40
Situation of the hour, political needs.
06:42
No, no, you see that in order to, in this case,
06:45
the intent has been to create more flexibility in this.
06:47
But in that ordinance, there are other things
06:49
which include that the cases should be heard first in first out.
06:52
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