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Report
Iran's proximity to Assad will hinder any effort to open channels with rebel groups, analyst says
FRANCE 24 English
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12/9/2024
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00:00
Well, there have been winners and losers who have already emerged from the fall of Assad's
00:05
regime.
00:06
And the biggest loser of them all is arguably Iran, one of the ousted president's main allies.
00:13
The victory by the rebels in Syria has dealt a serious blow to a central pillar of Tehran's
00:19
foreign policy, and that's its axis of resistance, which Iran has built over decades.
00:24
As a network of groups across the Middle East, among them Hezbollah and Hamas, Syria had
00:30
served as an important geographical link for Iran to move weapons and other supplies to
00:37
its proxy Hezbollah in Lebanon.
00:39
And with Assad now out of the picture, Iran's influence in Syria could be seriously curtailed.
00:44
Well, let's speak more on this and speak to Roozbeh Farsi, who is head of the MENA program
00:49
at the Swedish Institute of International Affairs.
00:52
Thanks so much for joining us on the program, Roozbeh.
00:55
So I think we can all agree that it's been a very bad year for Tehran's axis of resistance.
01:01
Where has it all gone wrong for Iran?
01:03
Well, obviously, the primary reason is that the confrontation with Israel was something
01:09
that Tehran did not expect to escalate to this degree.
01:13
And they were also probably banking on the Americans not wanting this to get out of hand
01:17
and that they would, in a sense, hold Israel back.
01:21
The Biden administration did the opposite.
01:23
And it turned out that Iran was much more risk averse and therefore more or less forced
01:29
to back at every step.
01:32
And that meant that both Israel could take several steps forward and the opposition groups
01:37
in Syria found that the Syrian army and Bashar al-Assad did not have the support from Russia
01:44
and Iran as it used to.
01:46
And then came the collapse.
01:49
I've had some analysts describing the events of October 7th as the main blame, reason to
01:56
blame for this fall of Assad or the fall of the axis of resistance.
02:02
Give us your thoughts on that.
02:05
I think that's probably to take it a couple of steps too far, because it makes it sound
02:10
as if everything was inevitable.
02:12
There are obviously several things here along the way where people could have chosen differently
02:17
and they didn't.
02:18
So in that sense, 7th of October is a watershed for the region and arguably also for the international
02:23
community if you look at it from a legal perspective.
02:26
But it was not inevitable that this would lead to the fall down of Bashar al-Assad.
02:32
But it was definitely one of the primary reasons why that in the end was what happened.
02:38
And Roozbeh, let's talk about what's next now for the axis of resistance.
02:41
Will Iran be looking to rebuild its strength there and with Hezbollah pretty much decimated,
02:47
is there any hope for Iran's proxies?
02:50
Well, I think it's important to remember that most of these groups have a raison d'etre.
02:55
They have their own reason to exist that is independent of Iran.
03:00
Hezbollah is integral to the Shia community of Lebanon.
03:04
The Houthi rebels were rebels and Houthis long before Tehran entered the picture.
03:08
So in that sense, you can say that they have their own reasons to exist.
03:12
And when need be, they're going to show themselves to be much more autonomous of Iran than they
03:16
have so far.
03:18
But obviously, the fact that Iran cannot at the moment support them in the way that it
03:22
used to, is going to put a lot of stress on the relationships.
03:27
And I think Iran is now under pressure not only to show that it can support them, but
03:31
also to show that it has deterrence left, that it still has an ability to act in the
03:37
region.
03:38
And I think this is one of the debates in Tehran right now.
03:40
One of course, is how did this come about without us understanding that it was happening?
03:45
How did we lose Syria?
03:47
And then of course, what are we supposed to do now to regain some of our footing and see
03:52
if we can salvage any of that enormous investment that was made into Bashar al-Assad's rule?
03:57
Yeah, well, let's talk about what's next for Iran in Syria.
04:01
Of course, as you mentioned, they pumped so much money into Assad and his rule there.
04:08
Do you see Iran now taking the same tactics that it did in Afghanistan and Iraq, where
04:15
it tried to support destabilising forces to counter US influence?
04:21
What do you think is next for Iran in Syria?
04:24
Well, the parallel doesn't really work here in the sense that at the moment, there is
04:29
no overpowering actor that is trying to control all of Syria.
04:35
If that had been the case, then the playing field would be much clearer.
04:39
What we have are a number of armed actors that are Syrian and have achieved this victory.
04:45
And they're all more or less related or sponsored by outside actors.
04:48
Turkey, there's Israel on one side, there are American troops in Syria, there are the
04:53
Kurds and so on and so forth.
04:55
So that means that the picture is very, very complicated.
04:58
And the fact that Iran is the loser today, and will probably remain the loser for the
05:02
foreseeable future, it does not mean that we have that many winners on the other side.
05:06
That can change within a week or a month or six months.
05:10
So this is a very dynamic situation.
05:12
And I don't think it's that easy to claim that now what will Iran do in order to spoil?
05:18
There's yet nothing to spoil.
05:20
But obviously, the Iranians will try and see if they can work up any kind of channels with
05:24
the groups that at the moment are trying to control Syria to see if they can regain some
05:29
of their influence.
05:30
So that is going to be a very tall order, considering how closely associated they were
05:35
with the very cruel dictator of Syria, Bashar al-Assad.
05:39
Rupsa, great to have you on the programme.
05:41
Thanks so much for giving us your insight there.
05:43
That's Rupsa Farsi, who is head of the MENA programme at the Swedish Institute of International Affairs.
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