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The EU must stand up to 'belligerence' from incoming Trump administration - analysts
euronews (in English)
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16/01/2025
Two experts have told Euronews that the EU must ready itself to stand firm in the face of belligerence from an incoming Donald Trump regime.
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00:00
Donald Trump is returning to the White House and already he wants to take over Greenland,
00:12
adopt Canada as the 51st state, and some of his team have talked about interfering in
00:17
European politics.
00:18
So what can Europe do?
00:19
How can the EU respond?
00:21
I catch up with Guntram Wolff, the senior fellow at Bruegel and professor of economics
00:26
at ULB, and Georg Grekeles, a senior policy director at the European Policy Centre, for
00:31
a look ahead at what's in store for 2025.
00:37
Welcome to the Europe Conversation.
00:38
I'm joined in studio by Guntram Wolff, professor of economics at ULB and a senior fellow at
00:44
Bruegel, and Georg Grekeles, associate director at the European Policy Centre.
00:49
Thank you very much for joining us.
00:51
We have a lot to look forward to in 2025.
00:54
A much more aggressive Trump White House, you might agree.
00:58
I might just start with you, Guntram, because we've seen, before Christmas and very much
01:03
into January, what looks like potential interference in the German elections by Elon Musk.
01:09
As a German yourself, how do you feel about this?
01:12
Do you think it's overplayed?
01:13
Well, I would start, I think we were all taken aback by how aggressive both Musk and Donald
01:19
Trump have been in this first half of January, really not attacking Russia or China, but
01:27
really attacking allies, right, verbally.
01:30
But with big announcements that Elon Musk has had a huge campaign against the UK current
01:35
sitting government, and that has raised alarm bells all across Europe.
01:39
And of course, yes, he has been involved in Germany.
01:43
He has had an interview with Alice Weidel, the top candidate from the Alternative für Deutschland,
01:49
the far right party.
01:52
Now, is that undue or overextended interference?
01:57
I would say the interview as such is fine.
02:00
I don't think the interview is really a problem.
02:03
What is a problem is if the algorithm of X gets manipulated to really drive far right content.
02:11
But Georg, Europe has the tools there, has the Digital Services Act when it comes to,
02:15
as what Guntram talked about, the algorithms.
02:19
Is there a political will to act?
02:21
Because we also saw just before Christmas, J.D. Vance, the vice president, saying that
02:27
if there was any sort of interference from Europe to try to restrict what Elon Musk or
02:31
X or social media are doing, that he would force the US administration to maybe reduce
02:36
support for NATO.
02:37
I mean, it's very complex.
02:39
We need a political will to act.
02:41
This is dead serious.
02:43
This is about fundamental threats to our democracies.
02:46
It is about the destructuring of our public space, the promotion of lies, of extreme content,
02:55
which will make the exercise of democracy progressively more difficult or impossible.
03:02
Like Guntram is saying, the problem is not an interview with the IFJ, that's freedom
03:05
of expression.
03:06
The problem is if these platforms have algorithms that are used to amplify lies.
03:13
And that's not an acceptable period.
03:15
We have not had rules against this in Europe for a long time, for too long.
03:20
But now we do.
03:21
It's called the Digital Services Act.
03:24
It's really complex, though, because do we risk US support at NATO for Ukraine, which
03:28
is existential, but at the same time we have to defend the rules that are necessary when
03:34
it comes to disinformation which impacts democracy?
03:36
Well, I would say you always have to stand up to bullying.
03:39
If you give in immediately, the demands will only increase.
03:43
And there's no guarantee whatsoever that if you don't stand up to X and bullying on X,
03:51
that then all of a sudden all security problems will be solved.
03:54
I mean, so let's be realistic here.
03:57
This is quite a systematic confrontation of Europe and key European values.
04:05
And it comes from, I think, a very unprecedented situation, one where the richest person on
04:12
the planet has also direct access to the US president, meaning he has also full political
04:19
support from the most powerful person on the planet.
04:23
And on top of it, he has control of a major media outlet.
04:27
So we have, I think, a combination of concentration of power in media, in business and in politics
04:35
in one person.
04:36
And if you leave that unaddressed, you basically accept that an outside billionaire with all
04:42
these three powers massively intervenes into Europe and starts setting the agenda and shapes
04:48
politics well beyond anything that we've seen before.
04:53
So my view is we have to invest in security ourselves.
04:57
We have to invest in security of Ukraine very rapidly.
04:59
And what do you think is the game here?
05:02
I just was listening to an interview from Steve Bannon, the former Trump adviser, who
05:07
said, Musk just spent a quarter of a billion dollars to elect Trump.
05:10
If he puts the same amount of money into all of Europe that he put behind Trump, he'll
05:14
flip every nation to a populist agenda.
05:17
It is certainly very worrying.
05:20
I think this is not about left versus right anymore in any way, really.
05:25
This is about, like Guntram was saying, an agenda that has nothing to do with the respect
05:31
for democracy, the respect for the rule of law, and very, very strong intent of intervention
05:43
into the functioning of our society.
05:44
And what we're seeing in the international sphere, the relations between countries, the
05:50
big power games, which now are all about might is right, well, this is the same thing we
05:55
see in the economic sphere, in the media sphere, represented by Musk.
05:59
And this is what one needs to stand up to.
06:02
A, should have been preparing for that after the first Trump presidency, but B, I mean,
06:08
he's in two days' time going to be in power.
06:11
And we still will be relying on support through NATO for him not to apply tariffs in the way
06:17
that he has.
06:18
I mean, is Europe really just totally vulnerable now?
06:21
Well, Europe hasn't sit idly since the first election of Donald Trump.
06:27
When Donald Trump was first elected, collective European spending on defence was 1.3% of GDP.
06:33
We are now above 2%.
06:35
So we've seen quite a turnaround on defence spending.
06:38
It's still not sufficient.
06:39
We're going to have to increase that further.
06:41
But the truth is that the US is our biggest ally, and the whole European construction
06:48
has been extremely centred on a transatlantic relation.
06:52
And if that relation goes sour, the European Union and all the member states really have
06:59
a big problem.
07:00
And the degree of policy response will have to be an order of magnitude bigger than it
07:07
has been so far.
07:08
And that will be a big challenge.
07:11
And my biggest fear is that our domestic political systems, national political systems, they're
07:17
actually far away from really getting to do the kind of things we are talking about
07:22
here.
07:23
Like what?
07:24
What would you say?
07:25
Well, we have an election in Germany and, you know, the German debate is about do we
07:27
support three billion for Ukraine, yes or no?
07:31
Which is ridiculous.
07:32
Of course we should.
07:33
It's a ridiculous amount of money compared to the size of the German economy.
07:37
So yes, Germany has been a big supporter of Ukraine, but it's by far not big enough.
07:44
And the same in France.
07:45
We have a political situation that is very fragile.
07:48
We are undoing a pension reform that is really important for the sustainability, long-term
07:54
sustainability of French public finances.
07:57
So we have really very deep political divisions within our societies.
08:03
And that makes the implementation of an appropriate policy response really difficult.
08:08
When you say policy response, what do you mean, though?
08:11
Well, I mean, we need more defence spending.
08:14
That's an economic incentive against tariffs.
08:17
Should the EU respond likewise?
08:18
In tariffs, we have to be prepared to have retaliatory tariffs against the US.
08:24
Absolutely.
08:25
Geir, one of the things that we discussed before was Timothy Schneider, who is the professor
08:30
of an expert in totalitarianism.
08:32
And he said that the language around invading Greenland, Canada becoming the 51st state,
08:40
the Panama Canal is the language of Putin in 2013.
08:43
I mean, that might be over-egging it a bit, but it still is an imperialistic language
08:50
coming from the White House before they even take over.
08:53
I think he's right.
08:54
And I think it's important that he says so and that we are clear about this.
09:00
What we're hearing from Trump, from Trump Jr., from a lot of sort of the MAGA crowd
09:07
is language with respect to, like you said, Canada, Greenland, Panama, which is about
09:16
suggesting that borders don't matter.
09:18
I don't want to put Russia and the US and the future US administration on an equal footing.
09:24
But this is very dangerous to start going down that road in terms of the norms we defend.
09:30
So yes, I think Timothy Schneider is very, very right in pointing this out.
09:34
But do you think there's therefore this lacking of leadership here in Brussels and across
09:38
the EU then?
09:39
Because really the language over the past few months since Trump became president-elect
09:44
has been, we'll wait and see.
09:46
I think the European institutions have shown more leadership on issues such as Ukraine
09:52
than most of the national leaders.
09:55
So I think at the end of the day, we have a leadership vacuum in Germany.
10:00
The German Chancellor Olaf Scholz, who's up for election and who failed his traffic
10:07
light coalition just last year, has been showing insufficient leadership, clearly.
10:13
I mean, Germany has not shown the kind of leadership that the biggest country in the
10:18
centre of Europe in a situation of war has to show.
10:21
So I think Germany is a big issue.
10:23
But also France, France is an issue with the very divided politics at the moment.
10:28
So I would really think it's more than at the national level.
10:31
And then, of course, you've got member states like Slovakia, Hungary, who are not supportive
10:36
of Ukraine, potentially Austria as well.
10:39
So you don't have the unity within the EU either.
10:42
Absolutely.
10:43
There has been a clear element of lack of leadership.
10:45
I mean, if you think back to the beginning of the Ukraine war or the Brussels aggression
10:49
on Ukraine, the question was whether we could send helmets almost.
10:55
So this we have not been able to react to quickly enough.
10:59
We put too much effort or thought into thinking that sanctions would solve it and too little
11:04
efforts into gearing up weapon support.
11:07
So these are very clear elements.
11:11
What sort of gives me hope at the beginning of this year is seeing, for instance, the
11:15
prime minister of Denmark, Mette Frederiksen, who used to be, well, Denmark used to be one
11:20
of the frugals, saying no more money to the EU budget.
11:23
And Finns also talked about defence bonds as well.
11:26
Exactly.
11:27
What Mette Frederiksen is saying this beginning of the year is no taboos anymore.
11:32
And I think that's the kind of discourse we need to have coming out of Berlin, coming
11:36
out of Paris, and the capacity to act from Madrid, from Rome and so on and so forth,
11:41
if we want to hold the future in our own hands.
11:43
OK, well, Gunther Wolff, Professor of Economics at ULB and Senior Fellow at Bruegel, and Georg
11:49
Rakeles, Associate Director at the European Policy Centre, thank you very much for joining
11:53
us on the Europe Conversation.
11:54
Thank you so much.
11:55
Thanks for having us.
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